History does not repeat itself, although the recurrence of events widely separated in time and having aspects of similarity, might cause one to think that it does. In practice, the answer to the question of the proper role of the state depended for the Jacksonians on the answer to the question who controlled the state; and this is what the fight in the age of Jackson was all about. He wrote a detailed account of, Arthur Meier Schlesinger Jr., born Arthur Bancroft Schlesinger, was a Pulitzer Prize recipient and American historian and social critic whose work explored the liberalism of American political leaders including Franklin D. Roosevelt, John F. Kennedy, and Robert F. Kennedy. Jackson’s war against Nicholas Biddle and the Second Bank of the United States as the instrumentality of the concentrated money power seemed an earlier and simpler version of the battles waged by Roosevelt against the “economic royalists” of my own day for control of national policy. Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. won the Pulitzer Prize for The Age of Jackson. I love history because of learning about what our ancestors and past figures have done to create and progress the world, our country, and our lives. In this sense, the present persistently re-creates the past. Roger B. Taney, who served Jackson as attorney general and as secretary of the treasury and whom Jackson thereafter made chief justice, summed up the point when the Supreme Court vindicated the right of the state of Massachusetts to construct a free bridge over the Charles River at the expense of a privately owned toll bridge. Most scholars today, I believe, would agree with the Jacksonians and Whigs of the 1830s that the two parties represented very different attitudes toward business and, to a degree, different classes. ↩ 17. Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. (1917–2007) was an American historian and social critic. A new school of Progressive historians, seeking precedents for Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson, ironically found more to praise in Jackson than TR and Wilson had done in their own days as historians. Schlesinger, the national period from 1815 to 1860 in the Age of Jackson and the presidencies of Franklin Roosevelt and Kennedy in later works. The book descriptively explains every issue and event that occurs during the time right before this era, the actual presidency of Jackson, and the populist era that occurs after Jackson’s presidency. The age of Jackson Schlesinger Arthur. “The real truth of the matter,” Roosevelt told House, “is, as you and I know, that a financial element in the larger centers has owned the Government ever since the days of Andrew Jackson—and I am not wholly excepting the Administration of W. W. The country is going through a repetition of Jackson’s fight with the Bank of the United States—only on a far bigger and broader basis.”6 ). Published September 15th 2005 by Konecky & Konecky (first published January 1946. 269, 51. â†©, Donald B. Cole, Jacksonian Democracy in New Hampshire: 1800–1851 (Harvard University Press, 1970), p. 214. â†©, Professor Remini sees Jackson’s emphasis on majority rule as a subversion of “the entire concept of ‘republicanism’ as it had come down from the Founding Fathers” (Andrew Jackson and the Course of American Freedom, p. 323). Arthur Schlesinger's The Age of Jackson was, for a long time, the definitive account of Andrew Jackson's presidency and antebellum American politics. THE AGE OF JACKSON by ARTHUR M. SCHLESINGER, JR. by ARTHUR M. SCHLESINGER, JR. and a great selection of related books, art and collectibles available now at AbeBooks.com. Click to read more about The Age of Jackson by Arthur Meier Schlesinger Jr.. LibraryThing is a cataloging and social networking site for booklovers The first reviews appeared two weeks after the surrender of Japan. The same thing, mutatis mutandis, could be said of the Roosevelt coalition of the 1930s. The Jury. And his election was viewed by the elites of the time as a catastrophe. The book is somewhat dated now, as he makes occasional references to WWII-era political thinking by both Republicans and Democrats. Or, in Lee Benson’s version, ethnicity and religion were far more powerful determinants of voting than economic interests or political ideas. ↩. Please see Wikipedia's template documentation for further citation fields … This was the view expounded more genially by James Parton a quarter century later in his delightful and still valuable three-volume biography of Jackson (1860–1861). He is buried in Mount Auburn Cemetery in Cambridge, Massachusetts. by Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr. Boston, Little, Brown and Company, 1945. Brownson, moreover, had received his government job from the historian George Bancroft, who, as collector of the port of Boston, was Van Buren’s man in Massachusetts, and Bancroft evidently thought along similar lines. It is when class and interest politics recede that cultural politics—ethnicity, religion, social status, morality—come to the fore. The Age of Jackson Arthur Meier Schlesinger (Jr.) Snippet view - 1946. “The President,” Jackson said, “is the direct representative of the American people”12—more so, by implication, than the Congress. 179–181. Analysis depends on the capacity to draw distinctions. In doctrine the Jacksonians were indisputably antistatist. Americans, he wrote, had “a certain fermentation of mind, a certain activity of speculation and enterprise which, if properly directed, may be made subservient to useful purposes but which, if left entirely to itself, may be attended with pernicious effect.”10 Subsequent statesmen in this tradition, especially John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay, elaborated the Hamiltonian vision into what Clay called the American System—a great dream of economic development under the leadership of the national state. What then was the source of the intense sense of conflict? Had South Carolina got away with nullification, had Biddle shown that the Bank of the United States was more powerful than the government of the United States, the implications for the future of the republic would have been considerable. The tradition of affirmative government was the tradition of Hamilton, not of Jefferson. Please login to your account first; Need help? The Whigs were the champions of the banks against the ‘radicalism’ of the Jacksonians. To author Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr. the clash of lasting consequence was that … Orestes A. Brownson, “The Laboring Classes,” Boston Quarterly Review (July 1840). The denial of recharter to the Bank of the United States did not mean, as the entrepreneurial school had contended, a license for unrestrained state banking. Seeking a subject for an honors essay as an undergraduate at Harvard College in the autumn of 1937, I chose the formidable That is why Henry Clay, in calling on the Senate to censure Jackson for the removal of federal funds from the US Bank, made his passionate cry in 1833, “We are in the midst of a revolution, hitherto bloodless, but rapidly tending toward a total change of the pure republican character of the government, and to the concentration of all power in the hands of one man.”16 Even a Jacksonian like Brownson exclaimed with alarm at Jackson’s “tendency to Centralization and his evident leaning to Bureaucraticy“; Jackson had made more rapid strides toward “Centralization and to the Bureaucratic system than even the most sensitive nullifier has yet suspected.”17 Another young Jacksonian, that intelligent rogue Ben Butler of Massachusetts, wrote in his memoirs that, while he had been “dazzled with the brilliancy of Jackson’s administration…I early had sense enough to see that it conflicted, in a very considerable degree, with the teachings of Jefferson.”18, In the years since The Age of Jackson such scholars as J. 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